David Duke Early Life
David Duke, born 1 July 1950, first made his racist mark at Louisiana State University back in 1970 when he founded the White Youth Alliance. He became infamous for parading on campus in a Nazi uniform. Later, Duke became a Ku Klux Klan grand wizard, and soon replaced the white sheets with business suits in a bid to make the KKK more mainstream. He reached out to women and encouraged Catholics to join. He insisted the group was “pro-white” and “pro-Christian” — not anti-black. In the meantime, Duke’s marriage to Chloe Hardin — with whom he had two daughters — fell apart. She went on to marry a neo-Nazi named Don Black, the founder of the racist website Stormfront.
In 1988, Duke ran for president, first as a Democrat and then at the head of the Populist Party, a collection of extreme right-wingers and neo-Nazis. At first, he thought of himself as black candidate Jesse L. Jackson’s opposite and that he might receive as many votes as Jackson. But Jackson the Democrat garnered 7 million votes and Duke virtually nothing beyond a few parishes in Louisiana. It was time for him to refocus again, to remake himself. He became a Republican.
David Duke spoke to supporters at a reception Saturday, May 29, 2004, in Kenner, La.BURT STEEL. Duke used the KKK as a springboard in 1989 to win a seat in the Louisiana legislature as a Republican, over the objections of the mainstream GOP, which lined up against him. It was the first and last time Duke won an election. What followed were failed campaigns for governor, for senate — even the White House. Meanwhile, Duke abandoned the Klan and formed the National Association for the Advancement of White People to press his racist agenda.
“Racial idealism, or racialism, is the idea that a nation’s greatest resource is the quality of its people. It means examining all questions of government on the basis of whether the proposed measure is good or bad for our race. … Neither Communism, Capitalism, nor any other materialistic doctrine can save our race; our only racial salvation lies in a White racial alliance uniting our people with the common cause of racial idealism.”
— David Duke, September 1970 article in The Racialist.
It’s easy (and comforting) to forget that Duke was quite the political force in his day, and that the Republican establishment has been struggling for decades to shut him down. His first campaign was as an unsuccessful Democratic candidate for president in 1988. He promptly switched to the GOP and, the following year, won a seat in the Louisiana legislature. In 1990, he tried to unseat Democratic Senator J. Bennett Johnston. In that race, the GOP’s chosen candidate, State Senator Ben Bagert, never got traction. As the election neared, party leaders worried that Bagert would siphon off enough votes to hold Johnston under 50 percent, forcing a runoff between Johnston and Duke that would humiliate the party (a version of the scenario I sketched at the top of this article). So they nudged Bagert out of the race, enabling Johnston to beat Duke on Election Day, 54 percent to 44 percent.
David Duke Biography and Profile
David Duke (David Ernest Duke), born 1 July 1950, one of the most recognizable figure of the American radical right, a neo-Nazi, longtime Klan leader and international spokesman for Holocaust denial nevertheless won election to Louisiana’s House of Representatives and once was nearly elected governor. How did David Ernest Duke take his life down the path of racial extremism? He was born into a comfortable middle-class family July 1, 1950, son of an archconservative oil-field engineer, and an alcoholic mother, according to a recent Duke biography by Michael Zatarain. The family, which also included a rebellious older sister, moved from Tulsa to the Netherlands to New Orleans, where Duke spent most of his childhood. The biography’s first mention of Duke’s interest in race and genetics is an odd one: The preteen Duke lived in a “Leave it to Beaver”-style house in New Orleans. A wild rat impregnated one of his pet rats, he said, and Duke became fascinated by the mixed-breed litter. The fuzzy little dark critters, he told Zatarain, were faster than their white mother.
An event of deeper significance occurred when Duke was 14 and one of his teachers in New Orleans assigned him to write a paper defending segregation. During his research, Duke read “Race and Reason: A Yankee View,” a methodical tract arguing the supremacy of the white race. Duke has said often that he was attracted by it and began a seven-year reading binge in which he delved more deeply into the ideology of race and genetics, eventually finding Hitler’s “Mein Kampf” and American Nazi Party leader George Lincoln Rockwell’s “White Power,” books that dominated his thinking during his Nazi-oriented years at LSU.
“That was my radical period,” Duke said in a recent interview. “In college particularly, I was a very angry young man.”
David Duke defining moment
By Duke’s account, his defining moment happened in 1971 when he dropped out of college temporarily for an around-the-world trip. He wrote about part of the adventure in a 1986 article that he entitled, “India: My Racial Odyssey.” That article, more than any other document, reveals the inextricable link between Duke’s past and present. During his stay in India, Duke wrote, “the historical reality” of race “slowly began to crowd in on me.” He found himself overwhelmed by India’s poverty and decay, which he attributed to the inexorable decline in the racial purity of white-skinned Aryans who ruled India long ago. When Duke visited the Taj Mahal, he was overcome by sadness.
“Another feeling came over me as I viewed the Taj Mahal in the sunlight,” David Duke wrote. “The rounded dome with its white, bone-like features resembled a huge skull; the spiritual skull of the Aryan people, a cranium that once housed and held talented and powerful minds, but which now only served as the gravestone of a magnificent culture and the genetic treasure that made that culture possible.”U.S. ‘Grows a Little Darker’
Days later, Duke visited another ancient temple and had an encounter that he said “will forever remain etched in my memory.” He saw what he described as a “dark brown, poor little half-caste Indian girl” riddled with sores, besieged by flies, begging for rupees. Duke said he gave the girl his money and “stumbled out into the hot Indian sun with my eyes full of tears.”
Lesson David Duke Learned
“I wonder if, a few hundred years from now, some half-black ancestor of mine would be sitting in the ruins of our civilization brushing away the flies. Every day, our nation grows a little darker from massive nonwhite immigration, high nonwhite birthrates and increasing racial miscegenation, and with each passing day we see the quality of our lives decline a bit more…
“I had already committed myself to the struggle for our racial survival long before I saw that child in the ruins, but that experience changed an intellectual commitment into a holy obligation. I realized in the hot Indian sun that I would never abandon this cause. The flame that burned in me that hot August day in 1971 is white hot and unquenchable.”Squeezed From Both Sides
The evolution of Duke’s career from that racist epiphany in India to his current campaign for governor follows a logical pattern. His steps were measured by whether they could broaden the appeal of white power. In the 1970s, he thought that the best way to accomplish that was through the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. As Duke told Sims in “The Klan”:
“I came to realize that the image of the Klan as radical — in fact an image which was not really inaccurate — a very strong anti-nigger image, a very strong anti-Jewish image in the long run may not be a political disadvantage. If, indeed, America is headed toward more, quote, radical, times, if its people really feel threatened, they’re not going to want some kind of half-measure. They’re going to want somebody strong.”
School desegregation and busing were overriding issues of that era, and Duke inserted himself into the hubbub wherever possible, joining protests in Boston, Louisville and Louisiana. But year by year, even though Duke was gaining national publicity, he found himself squeezed from both sides. Citizens who agreed with him on busing were afraid to associate with him because of the Klan, while hard-core racists found his essentially nonviolent Klan wing less attractive than an offshoot branch where followers showed their guns in towns in Mississippi and Alabama.
Duke quitted the Klan and formed the National Association for the Advancement of White People (NAAWP)
By 1980, for practical rather than ideological reasons, Duke quit the Klan and formed the National Association for the Advancement of White People (NAAWP). He explained the decision later in an interview published in Hustler magazine: “I hoped we could change the media image of the typical Klansman — the ignorant, toothless, gun-toting hatemonger talking about race war. Eventually, I came to realize there was no way I was going to change that image.”
The difference between the NAAWP and the Klan was superficial. A typical NAAWP rally was held in the mid-1980s in the French Quarter. Duke wore a business suit and his followers were without white hoods. But the discourse was classic white fright, according to a transcript of the rally published in Duke’s NAAWP News.
Duke: Sweden’s going brown. Any more Ingrid Bergmans?
Duke: America’s going brown. Any more Cheryl Tiegs?
Duke: France is going brown. Any more Bridget Bardots?
Duke: What does this mean?
Crowd: WE WILL DIE!
Aside from public rallies and national interviews, Duke’s primary forum during the 1980s was the NAAWP News, a tabloid journal that he edited and that had about 10,000 subscribers nationally. Back copies of the paper are part of the David Duke file at the Amistad Research Center in New Orleans, a leading national library on the civil rights movement and hate groups.
Duke’s Writings in His Newspaper
“Rapes resulting from street abduction and break-ins are a plague intrinsically associated with Blacks and overwhelmingly committed by them. At the turn of this century, with the Indian wars over, no racial minority would dare to lay his hands on a defenseless woman or child without the most severe and swift retribution imaginable.”
“The truth is that Blacks kill, maim, rob and rape more white people in only one year than the total number of Blacks lynched in the entire 200-year history of the United States! It is important to remember that even the most biased historians don’t deny that the overwhelming majority of those lynched in the past were guilty of some hideous acts of brutality and violence.”
“The Negro brain is smaller and is housed in a smaller and thicker skull, with a groove in it. The black’s lips are larger and everted. His nose is flatter and his jaw tends to be prognathous. . . . In fact there are so many differences between us it is senseless to call us brothers.”
“The media is dominated by Jews. You know it and everybody knows it. They own the store. As a result, the media — and by media I mean movies, TV, newspapers and magazines — is more a reflection of Jewish values than Western values. These Jews are not good Americans. They have no understanding of what America is.”
Issue after issue of the NAAWP News was filled with attacks on blacks and Jews. At one point, the newspaper published a map that Duke called the “Divided States of America,” where whites would inhabit most of the country and other ethnic groups would be forced into small enclaves that he named New Africa, New Cuba, West Israel, Francia, Navahona, Minoria and East Mongolia. Most issues featured a photo display of interracial love, usually a black man with a white woman, with a headline such as, “How Do You Feel about This?” and a photo caption that Duke wrote. It decried the “saturation of pro interracial propaganda.”
Although the newspaper was under Duke’s control during the period, his byline was not on the remapping article, and he later said he was not responsible for it and did not condone it. A copy of the map was pinned above the desk at his office in suburban Metairie three years ago when he was a legislative candidate.
The newspaper often included inserts that appealed for money. Duke’s finances during that period were unusual. Records at the Louisiana Department of Revenue and Taxation show that he did not file state income tax returns from 1984 to 1987. He paid the taxes in 1990 after press revelations.
The David Duke of 1991, trying to maneuver his way into mainstream American politics, does not feel that he should be held responsible for what he was like during those college days when he slept under a red and black swastika banner in his dormitory room at Hodges Hall and spoke and sometimes dressed like a Hitler youth or Nazi brownshirt.
“Those were radical times, the campus was swarming with radical leftists, and I was trying to make a strong case from the other side,” Duke said in a recent interview. “We all have things in our past that we regret. What I did then was youthful indiscretion.”
David Duke balked at endorsing Donald Trump for Presidemt
White supremacist David Duke balked at endorsing Donald Trump for Presidemt because he believed the Republican presidential candidate was too friendly with “the Jews.” But when Donald Trump became the GOP front-runner, Duke changed his tune.
“The fact is, I don’t agree with Donald Trump on Israel and other issues involving the Jews,” Duke told NBC News on Monday. “That’s why he doesn’t have my full endorsement. But just like Chris Christie, I had to make a political decision and I agree with him on a lot of other issues.”
Duke referred to the decision by the Republican New Jersey governor, whose presidential campaign flamed out, to endorse Trump — a move that has drawn scorn from the GOP establishment.
“The Republicans, including Trump, are all running on issues I have supported all along like limiting immigration,” Duke said. “The party bosses don’t want to admit that. And now they’re desperate to stop Donald Trump.”
“Although nominally a Republican, Duke did not win by assembling the pieces of a traditional Republican coalition,” Lawrence Powell, a Tulane historian, wrote in a 1992 study of Duke’s legislative race. “Instead of going from the top down, he built his political base from the bottom up, mixing working-class Democrats with white collarites that he sheared from the lower end of the Republican coalition.”
Marilyn Mayo of the Anti-Defamation League
Marilyn Mayo of the Anti-Defamation League, which has also kept close tabs on Duke for many years, said Trump has done something Duke has been unable to do, which is “energize the white supremacist movement.”
“They don’t see Trump as a white nationalist, but he is mainstreaming some of the issues they hold dear, like keeping Mexicans and Muslims out of the country,” said Mayo. “He’s become a voice for some of their views.”
But Duke’s credibility in the racist ranks took a hit in 2002 when he was convicted of filing a false tax return and sentenced to 15 months in prison. Duke claimed he was being persecuted by the federal government. It turned out he was using donations from followers to fund his lifestyle and support a gambling habit. Black blamed Duke’s legal problems on the usual scapegoat — the Jewish people.
‘Dr. David Duke’
These days, Duke refers to himself as “Dr. David Duke.” He was awarded a doctorate in history in 2005 from a private Ukrainian university that has been accused of fomenting anti-Semitism.
Back in an August 2015 interview with The Daily Beast, Duke said he worried that Trump would not do anything about the “Jewish elite” supposedly running the country.
“Trump has made it very clear that he’s 1,000 percent dedicated to Israel, so how much is left over for America?” Duke said.
Trump, for his part, told Bloomberg News he would never accept an endorsement from Duke. But on Sunday, in an interview with CNN’s Jake Tapper, Trump claimed not to know anything about Duke.
Pursuit of Women and Money
David Ernest Duke, avid pursuit of women and, especially, money — so much so, in fact, that he finally went to prison in 2002 for using cash raised to support white supremacist causes to pay for his own gambling and home improvements. Since then, Duke becamone an itinerant anti-Semitic salesman, traveling regularly to Europe to sell his books while his white supremacist organization, EURO, remains almost entirely inactive.
David Duke Political Career
As a state legislator, Duke received sacks of mail every day from ordinary people across the country. Some letters were simply addressed with nothing more than David Duke/State Capitol. Inside, he often found $5 or $10 donations and a heartfelt request that he keep on fighting for them. When Duke was stopped for speeding while he raced around the state, not once did a state trooper give him a ticket. “Let me tell you something,” his campaign aide later told me, “those troopers were all for David.”
Trump’s political ascent has left Republican Party leaders aghast. The same thing happened with Duke. When he ran for the Statehouse in 1989, the Republicans’ heaviest guns in Washington blasted away at him as Reagan, President George W. Bush and party chairman Lee Atwater all repudiated Duke. Voters elected him anyway. Many said they didn’t take kindly to outsiders telling them how to vote—similar to the backlash against Mitt Romney for calling Trump a phony and a threat to the Republican Party.
Just as some governors (Hello, Chris Christie) and members of Congress have broken ranks with the party establishment to endorse Trump, most Republicans who served with Duke in the Louisiana House supported his bills. State party leaders and activists killed efforts to censure him for his extremist activities.
Duke’s campaign speeches were happenings—just like Trump’s. While other candidates would have gladly given away anything with their name on it, Duke sold T-shirts and buttons at his events. “He says in public what we all talk about in private,” a rice farmer told me at one Duke rally. After Duke drew 600 people to a rally in one town during the 1990 Senate campaign, the incumbent he was challenging, Senator J. Bennett Johnston, couldn’t have gotten half of that turnout. “He has turned out to be an outstanding spokesman for the people no one is speaking for,” a state senator from that area told me.
Duke had twin goals in running for Senate. One was to make the runoff and possibly win the race. The other was to reestablish himself as a leader among the white identity movement, now called the alternative-right, which has gotten its own bounce from Trump this year. But alt-right leader Jared Taylor said the media will never allow the public to forget Duke’s Klan past. “If you’ve ever worn a pointy hood, that is a permanent part of your ideological background,” said Taylor. “You can’t separate yourself from that.” A 66-year-old grandfather of three, Duke will be able to take solace that this year’s elections have brought him the media and public attention that he craves, but experts of the extremist right say that most of its leaders just wish Duke would disappear.
Duke campaigned against higher taxes, out-of-touch government bureaucrats and against what he called “free trade,” which he said benefited Japan and other countries at the expense of American workers. Troops overseas should be sent to seal the border with Mexico, he said. Careful not to utter the N-word, he forcefully attacked affirmative action, minority set-asides and other government programs aimed at helping blacks—a message that hit home with out-of-work whites or those whose incomes were stagnating as Louisiana slowly recovered from the oil bust of the 1980s.
Trump has his own set of boogeymen, beginning with the immigrants from Mexico and Central America. He made his own well-publicized visit to the border in July—he didn’t need a hand-painted sign attached to his vehicle—and following the terrorist attack in Paris called for temporarily banning Muslims from entering the country.
Not surprisingly, reporters have fixated on Duke’s Klan past in their recent coverage. But his guiding light is actually the profound conviction that Jews are using their control or ownership of big media outlets (think of the New York Times and the Newhouse family) to force whites to live, study and work with blacks, who he believes are genetically inferior. When all those folks rub elbows, miscegenation inevitably results, he believes. The white gene pool is weakened. In short, Duke is a neo-Nazi. (No one has accused Trump of harboring such feelings, but he has kept a copy of Hitler’s speeches by his bedside.)
For Trump, the illegal immigrants crossing from Mexico into the United States seem to be an economic issue. Not for Duke. It’s about what he calls “the demographic threat to America,” and he’s convinced Jews are behind it. “When he’s taking on the immigration, the open borders,” Duke said on the radio, “he’s really taking on the Jewish establishment and he’s taking on the neocons who control the Republican Party.”
Duke fixation on Jews
Duke didn’t publicly discuss his fixation on Jews during his political heyday in Louisiana. Voters wouldn’t get it, he once explained privately. Now a political has-been in Louisiana, having served a stint in federal prison for misusing money from his followers, Duke is openly espousing his anti-Semitic message again.
And Duke sees Trump as a fellow traveler. “The reason we have this incredible destruction of both Europe and America,” he said on the radio, “is because we have an alien race, an alien people who have taken over our countries, taken over our media, taken over our banking, and only Donald Trump of any Republican has spoken up against Wall Street and the Jewish banks like Goldman Sachs.”
During the 1990 Senate campaign, campaign staffers for Johnston thought they would sink Duke with an ad that showed footage of him raising a stiff left arm in a “white power” salute, as he stood before a burning cross while leading a Klan rally in the late 1970s. The television ad caused Duke to drop 6 points in a Johnston campaign poll, but he rebounded a week later.
Walker Percy insightful perspective
After Duke’s election to the Louisiana House in 1989, novelist Walker Percy offered this insightful perspective to the New York Times. “If I had anything to say to people outside the state,” Percy said, “I’d tell them, ‘Don’t make the mistake of thinking David Duke is a unique phenomenon confined to Louisiana rednecks and yahoos. He’s not. He’s not just appealing to the old Klan constituency, he’s appealing to the white middle. And don’t think that he or somebody like him won’t appeal to the white middle class of Chicago or Queens.”
Donald Trump has disavowed Duke. But in important ways he still acts and sounds like him.
Duke and His Popularity With Voters
His popularity combines two forces: one political, the other personal. First, he has attached himself to several issues that have immense appeal to a large share of the predominantly white electorate, particularly his opposition to affirmative action, welfare and taxes. Second, he is an articulate man whose personality seems so at odds with that of the stereotypical Klan member that people who encounter him often find it difficult to reconcile the substance of his past with the style of his present.
But Duke is more than just another politician who has learned how to change with the public mood to further his career. A detailed examination of Duke’s writings and statements over the years shows an obsession with one purpose: advancing the cause of white supremacy. Much that he has said and done in recent years to ingratiate himself with voters has been part of a long-range plan conceived and carried out within the context of supremacist ideology.
“We want political power in our country for our philosophy of life,” Duke told author Patsy Sims in her 1978 book “The Klan,” which includes a chapter on Duke the grand wizard. “This means we’ve got to get involved more and more in politics.” Duke then made a boast to Sims that seemed preposterous then but echoes hauntingly through the years: “I think if I wanted to be a traditional politician, I could do it. I think I could be governor of this state.”Early Interest in Race.
David Duke Endorsed Donald Trump
The attention hungry Duke made national headlines in February 2016 with an endorsement of Donald Trump for president. During his online show, Duke encouraged listeners to “get active” and “call the Republican Party … call Donald Trump’s headquarter, volunteer.” With typical hubris, Duke claimed that Trump had chosen his chief campaign issues from Duke’s own political career – chiefly immigration, national defense, and foreign policy. According to Duke, “Voting against Donald Trump, at this point, is really treason to your heritage.”
David Ernest Duke specifically credited Trump for his return to politics, claiming that he was the originator of many of the “America-first” policy ideas Trump is pushing. Duke’s campaign website features videos with titles like “Duke & Trump: The Supreme Court Does Matter” and “Never Trump & Never Duke Exposed as GOP Traitors.” And Duke’s Twitter feed is a scary mish-mash of ravings about anti-white bigotry and the decline of “Euro Americans,” broadsides against more mainstream Republicans, and lamentations about the mistreatments and misrepresentations Trump has allegedly suffered. In an August 6 tweet, Duke charged, “Never Trump traitors at the lagop.com are trying to fix the election & keep me out of the debates. Donate today.” In an August 5 interview on NPR, Duke claimed that his internal polling shows that he’ll carry 75 to 80 percent of Trump voters.
Duke Against Jews
Duke has consistently believed that Jews control the media and have used that control to promote integration, which in his mind inevitably brings crime to white neighborhoods, and miscegenation, which weakens the European-American gene pool that is responsible for all the advances of Western civilization. Duke also believes that Jews are behind what he and Trump call “the massive illegal immigration” from Mexico. For Duke, the browning of the United States is all part of the Jewish plot to weaken the white race. Trump opposes the immigration for other reasons.
“There is a problem in America with a very strong, powerful, tribal group that dominates our media and dominates our international banking,” Duke replied. He added, “I am not opposed to all Jews. I think there are a lot of great Jews.” The latter comments prompted several reporters sitting nearby me to laugh out loud.
Louisiana politicos express optimism that the electorate, as Pinsonat put it, “has moved way past David Duke.” Maybe. But racial tensions were high nationwide even before the July 5 fatal shooting of Alton Sterling by Baton Rouge police and the subsequent retaliatory killing of three Baton Rouge officers. And the Trump phenomenon has certainly done its part to push racial animus through the roof.
“It was a perfect storm for David Duke,” Alford said. “Between Donald Trump parroting some of his campaign themes and the racial turmoil in Baton Rouge, he must have looked at that and said, ‘It’s Duke time!’”
The GOP is busting its butt to ensure that it is, in fact, not Duke time. But America’s most famous racist is equally determined to make them pay for it every step of the way.
Duke said he could not pin down when he began to moderate his views. “It hasn’t been a 180-degree turn,” he said. “Growing up is part of life. It was a gradual process.” He attributed part of his mellowing to what he called a renewed “commitment to Christ.”
For several years, Duke had identified himself as an atheist or agnostic. But he said the intensity of the campaign against him in the 1989 legislative race forced him to seek religious salvation. He told a radio audience on WWL here Thursday night that, after a day of campaigning in that race, he would cry in the shower and that the tears “turned to prayers.”
Rickey said she saw the new and the old Duke during the intense summer of 1989. They talked on the telephone for hours, she said. “He would start out with this conservative angle about welfare, but then he would say, ‘Beth, once you know the truth, you’ll never be the same.’ His truth was that Jews are behind all the trouble in the world. It always came back to the Jews. It was something else. He bought me books that he wanted me to read, and it started working on my psyche. I almost got into the Stockholm syndrome, identifying with my captor. He was working on my head, the same way he has done with the voters.”
Rickey said Duke told her that it was his spiritual destiny to be a legislator and probably to be president. She said she would never forget one hot summer night when he took her for a ride in his convertible sports car. There was Duke, cruising down Interstate 10, hair blowing in the wind, singing along to a tape of “Man of La Mancha,” crooning his impossible dream: “One man, torn and covered with scars. . . . “
“He doesn’t see how funny he is,” Rickey said. “It’s kind of disturbing when you know you’ve got a zealot on your hands.”
David Duke to Pay $5K to Bill Burke Hurt During 2017 Charlottesville White Supremacist Rally
David Duke has agreed to pay an Ohio man $5,000 after the man alleged he was severely injured during a white supremacist and neo-Nazi rally in Virginia attended by Duke, according to attorneys and court documents. Bill Burke, of Athens, Ohio, says he was struck by a car driven by James Alex Fields Jr. — in a crash that killed counterprotester Heather Heyer — during the August 2017 rally in Charlottesville, Virginia. Burke’s physical injuries still required medical treatment and may be permanent, and he has experienced “severe psychological and emotional suffering,” according to Burke’s May 2019 federal lawsuit. The lawsuit names multiple defendants, including Fields and Duke. Burke on Tuesday accepted an “offer of judgment” from Duke for $5,000, according to court records and Duke’s attorney.
The judgment “is a step in the right direction for those who refuse to be silenced or intimidated by white supremacy,” said Michael Fradin, representing Burke.
Kyle Bristow, a lawyer who represented Duke, noted that Duke “categorically and vigorously denied” the allegations in the lawsuit.
“I merely attended a rally to defend the heritage and rights of European-Americans,” Duke said in a statement provided by Bristow. “I have always been dedicated to non-violence and human rights, and I condemn violence.”
David Duke Family
David Ernest Duke’s marriage to Chloe Hardin fell apart. She went on to marry a neo-Nazi named Don Black, the founder of the racist website Stormfront. Children: Erika Duke, Kristin Duke.
David Ernest Duke Biography and Profile